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Afghanistan!!
When we hear this name we shine with a pride inside out for who we are and how
we are. Afghanistan is known the world not only for its constant wars and
struggle and defeating the best of best but also for its multiculturalism and
culture. Afghans have a culture that applies very harsh on women like in every
other society according to the west but it’s not. Afghan culture is very high
in morals and values and as matter for a guy and girl dating it’s never
accepted but people still try. War brought a terrible disaster to our land and
many flee the country for peace and better life, life got mixed with different
cultures and unfortunately morals and values slowly and slowly were faded away.
Parents wanted peace for their child but forgot that living in a new country
whose believes are far more different than ours soon their kids will forget who
they are.
We value culture of family values, family respect, self respect, which unfortunately slowly fading away as we have been getting mixed with western culture, and people still dialed with it but the latest controversy and concern was raised by a young and beautiful raising start who as an entertainer acted and presented afghans in many ways positive and negative.
She have been modeling with very open and reveling cloth yet afghan community around the world tolerated but now her recent video produced by Elite Entertainment which has many immoral acts, disrespectful behavior with women which our culture doesn’t deny of its existence but keeps remaining behind the veil and in privacy. Wondering who she is? It’s none else then our beloved and future hope star Mozhdah Jamalzadah -- An Afghan who chose to take a part in a movie losing her respect as female in front of other Afghans. What makes me think and wonder if her morals, ethic cultural values where strong enough she would take such a low act and engage herself in this kind of act.
Her new work rose a question of concern about how will our teenage girls react to it. Living in west is the baggiest controversy since in western culture it’s all perfectly normal like kissing in public, wearing short or reveling cloths and unaccepted behavior but now unfortunately out new generation are getting effected by their culture where most of the time teens be that a girl or a boy forget their culture, values and start acting as out of the box.
Sometimes I think maybe it could be our parents fault who in search for better life and chasing money to provide us great life they forget to feed us without culture and set our traditions for us so we don’t lose our great culture, traditions and morals. We can’t blame west or east for the choices we make but I can certainly say that our parents are the first one to hold responsible for the cultural education we have not received.
On the other hand her work might be the truth presentation of what is really was hidden behind the veil, showing the true colors what afghan dignity is made of. There always been rumors about how for an entertainers do anything to go up but what Mozhdah did basically either exposes the reality behind the lost value or just living the true life of afghan girl turning to western or just a parental mistake.
Does her action will help the situation of woman in Afghanistan? Who knows but for now we know that our new generations are in gander and we will have to take very stable and suitable action to stop production of this kind of moves and clips. Afghans are not against the modernization we are against low immoral acts and irresponsible behavior. What will happen next is in our hand because we are the general public we chose who goes ahead and who falls behind time to make right choice. Here is her personal my space page for fans :)
http://viewmorepics.myspace.com/index.cfm?fuseaction=viewImage&friendID=159088215&albumID=2445165&imageID=44138069
WE URGE ALL AFGHAN TV STATIONS, RADIOS, WEBSITES OR ANY OTHER MEDIA TO BOYCOTT MOZHDAH AND STOP SHOWING HER VIDEOS/SONGS.

The reality is that with a bigger
American occupation, with escalating military expenditures, the
Resistance is growing, surrounding the major cities, targeting meetings
in the center of Kabul and rocketing the biggest US military bases
around the country. It is clear that the US has lost the war politically
and is in the process of losing it militarily.
Introduction:
Despite almost a decade of warfare, including an invasion and
occupation, the US military and its allies and client state armed forces
are losing the war in Afghanistan. Outside of the central districts of a
few cities and the military fortresses, the Afghan national resistance
forces, in all of their complex local, regional and national alliances,
are in control, of territory, people and administration.
The
prolonged unending war has become a major drain on the morale of the US
armed forces and undermined civilian support in the US, limiting the
capacity of the White House to launch new imperial wars. The annual
multi-billion dollar military expenditures, are exacerbating the
out-of-control budget deficit and forcing harsh unpopular cuts on social
programs, at all levels of government. There is no end in sight, as the
Obama regime keeps increasing the number of troops by the tens of
thousands and military expenditures by the dozens of billions but the
resistance advances, both military and politically.
Faced with
rising popular discontent and demands for fiscal restraint by a wide
spectrum of banking and citizen groups, Obama and the general command
have sought "partial exit" via the recruitment and training of a large
scale long term Afghan mercenary army and police force under the
direction of US and NATO officers.
The US Strategy: The Making of an Afghan Neocolony
Between 2001-2010 the US military expenditures total $428 billion
dollars; the colonial occupation has led to over 7,228 dead and wounded
as of June 1, 2010. As the US military situation deteriorates, the
White House escalates the number of troops resulting in a greater number
of killed and wounded. During the past 18 months of the Obama regime
more soldiers were killed or wounded than in the previous eight years.
The White House and Pentagon strategy is premised on massive flows
of money, arms and an increase in the number of surrogates, mainly
subsidized warlords and puppet western educated ex-pats. The White House
"development aid" involves, literally, purchasing the transient
loyalties of clan leaders. The White House attempts to give a veneer of
legitimacy by running elections, which enhance the corrupt image of the
incumbent puppet regime in Kabul and its regional associates.
On
the military front, the Pentagon launches one "offensive" after
another, announcing one success after another, followed by a retreat and
return of the Resistance fighters. The US campaigns disrupt trade,
agricultural harvests and markets, while the air assaults targeting
"Taliban" and militants, more frequently than not end up killing more
civilians celebrating weddings, religious holidays and shoppers at
markets than combatants. The reason for the high percentage of civilian
killings is clear to everyone except the US Generals: there are no
distinctions between "militants" and millions of Afghan civilians since
the former are an integral part of their communities.
The key
and ultimately decisive problem facing the US occupation is that it is a
colonial enclave in the midst of a colonized people. The US, its local
puppets and its NATO allies are a foreign colonial army and its Afghan
military and police recruits are seen as mere instruments perpetuating
illegitimate rule. Every action, whether violent or benign, is perceived
and interpreted as transgressing the norms and historical legacies of a
proud and independent people. In everyday life, every move by the
occupation is disruptive; nothing moves except by command of the foreign
directed military and police. Under threat of force, people fake
co-operation and then provide assistance to their fathers, brothers and
sons in the Resistance. The recruits take the money and turn their arms
over to the Resistance. The paid village informants are double agents or
identified by their neighbors and targeted by insurgents.
The
Afghan collaborators, Washington's closest allies, are seen as corrupt
traitors; transient rulers who have their bags packed and US passports
in hand, ready to flee when the US is forced to exit. All the programs,
"reconstruction" funds, training missions and "civic programs" have
failed to win the allegiance of the Afghan people, now as in the past as
well as in the future, because they are seen as part of the US military
occupation ultimately based on violence.
Ten Reasons Why the Afghan Resistance Will Win:
1.) The Resistance has deep roots in the population – family
community, linguistic and cultural ties which the US does not possess
nor can "invent"; nor can these ties be bought, traded or replicated by
their Afghan 'collaborators' or imposed by propaganda.
2.) The
Resistance has fluid borders and broad international support especially
with Pakistan but also with other anti-imperialist, Islamic groups who
provide arms and volunteers and who engage in actively attacking the
logistical transport supply lines of US-NATO military in Pakistan. They
also pressure overseas US client regimes like Pakistan and Saudi Arabia,
Yemen and Somalia opening multiple fronts.
3.) Widespread
infiltration, voluntary, active and passive support of the Resistance
among the US recruited and trained Afghan military and police results in
crucial intelligence on troop movements. Desertions and absenteeism
undermines "military competence".
4.) The scope and breadth of
Resistance activity over extends the imperial armies at its current
strength and causes it to rely on unreliable Afghan security, who have
no stomach for killing their brethren, especially when directed against
communities with relatives or ethnic kin.
5.) Resistance allies
are more loyal, less corrupt and reliable because of deeply shared
beliefs. US allies are loyal only because of ephemeral monetary
gratification and the temporary presence of US military force.
6.)
The Resistance appeals to the people in the name of a return to law and
order in everyday life, which preceded the disruptive invasion. The US
promise of positive outcomes following a successful war, have no popular
resonance after a decade long destructive occupation.
7.) The
US has no belief system that can compete with the
religious-nationalist-traditionalist appeal of the Resistance to the
vast majority of village, small town and displaced rural population.
8.) The Resistance's support of Iraqi, Palestinian and other
anti-imperialist forces has a positive appeal among the Afghan people
who have seen the destructive results of US wars in Iraq and proxy wars
in Pakistan, Somalia and Yemen. The US backed Israeli assault of Lebanon
and the humanitarian ship destined for Palestine and the highly visible
presence of Zionist militants in the US government, repels the more
politically aware opinion leaders in Afghanistan.
9.) Afghans
have, by force of circumstances, longer staying power in resisting the
US military occupation, than the US people who have other, far more
pressing needs and the US military with growing commitments in the Gulf.
10.) The Afghan Resistance does not normally kill civilians in
combat missions since the US troops and NATO are clearly identified.
Whereas, the opposite is not true. The Afghans who are part of the
villages in occupied communities are subject to assassinations by
"Special Forces" and drone bombings. In these circumstances ordinary
people suffer the same military assaults as Resistance fighters.
A Failed Mission: The Incapacity to Build a Reliable,
Effective Afghan Mercenary Army
A US government audit published in late June of this year
demolished the Obama regime's claims that it is succeeding in building
an effective Afghan mercenary army and police capable of buttressing the
current client regime in Kabul. The Report, based on a detailed
analysis and field observations argues that the Obama Pentagon relies on
"standards [which are] woefully inadequate, inflating the abilities of
Afghan units that Mr. Obama called "core to our mission" (Financial
Times, June 7, 2010, p1). In other words, Obama continues to play the
con game, which he inaugurated during his electoral campaign with his
phony promises of 'change' and "ending the wars", and continued with his
bail out of Wall Street in the name of 'saving the economy'. He
followed up by escalating the war in Afghanistan by sending 30,000 more
troops and increasing military and police expenditures to $325.5
billion, approximately 132% higher than the last year of the Bush
Administration (Congressional Research Service, FY 2010 Supplemental for
Wars … June 2010).
The Obama regime's phony claims of progress
were based on self-serving bureaucratic and technical criteria, rather
than the actual fighting performance and behavior of the Afghan
mercenary army. The military command's reports and progress reports were
based on how many courses were taught, the length and breadth of
training and the amount and quality of arms and equipment supplied to
the Afghan troops. As the number of Afghan units passing the "training
missions" increased from zero to 22, between 2008 - 2009, the Pentagon
claimed extraordinary progress. To correct the errors, the Pentagon has
turned to "field assessments by commanders" – which is also failing,
since the officials have a vested interest in inflating the performance
of the Afghans mercenaries under their command in order to secure
promotions and merit badges. The Obama regime plans to increase the
Afghan military from 97,000 in November 2009 to 134,000 in October 2010,
to 171,000 in October 2011 a 75% increase in two years (Congressional
Research Service 2010, p 13). The same increase occurs with the police:
from 93,800 in November 2009 to 134,000 in October 2011 a 43% increase.
Obama's claim that the war is gradually being handed over to the US
"trained" Afghan army is fully belied by two other basic facts. The
White House has requested $1.9 billion – double the 2009 level under
Bush – for military construction of new bases and installations for a
"long term presence" (which the con-man Obama claims does not mean a
"permanent presence"). Secondly, using the familiar double-talk of the
Obama regime, Secretary of Defense Gates and Admiral Mullen, Chair of
the Joint Chiefs of Staff now argue that Obama's campaign promise of
beginning the retirement of troops in July 2010 really means "a day we
start transitioning … not a date we're leaving", which would be based on
"conditions on the ground … a several year process" (Gates Testimony
before Senate Armed Services Committee, December 2, 2009). In plain
English "transitioning" is not "leaving". It means staying, fighting and
occupying Afghanistan for decades. It means adding more troops,
building more bases. It means spending another $400 billion over the
next 5 years. And it means doubling the number of American soldiers
killed and wounded over the next 3 years, from over seven thousand to
fourteen thousand.
The criteria of 'success' in Afghanizing the
war is belied by the growing Americanizing of the bases, combat troops
and expenditures. The reason is that the Afghan army figures are as
phony as Obama's promises. The number of US personnel is growing because
the Afghan political puppets are so corrupt, ineffective and despised
by their people that Washington has to surround them with "monitors",
"advisers" and "operatives" who in turn are totally incapable of
relating to the needs and practices of the communities. Increased US
"aid" has led to greater corruption, more unfulfilled promises and
greater animosity from the would be popular recipients.
The
fundamental problem is that this is an American war and that is why
Afghan units suffer a 50% reduction of strength due to at a minimum, a
20% desertion rate, admitted by US military officials (Congressional
Research, op cit, p.14). In other words, the Afghan recruits, take the
money and their arms and return to their villages, neighborhoods,
families, and perhaps not a few, use their military training, joining
with the National Resistance. With such high levels of disaffection
among Afghan recruits and even officials it is not surprising that the
Resistance has such high quality intelligence on US troop movements.
Given the degree of disaffection it is not surprising that some of the
US intelligence collaborators are double agents or vulnerable to
exposure and execution. Faced with a billion dollar recruitment program
with high rates of desertion and the "turning of guns on their mentors,"
the White House, Pentagon and Congress refuse to recognize the reality
that the imperial occupations is the source of the resistance of almost
the whole people. Instead they call for more trainees, more funds for
"training programs", more "transparent" mercenary contractors.
The
reality is that with a bigger American occupation, with escalating
military expenditures, the Resistance is growing, surrounding the major
cities, targeting meetings in the center of Kabul and rocketing the
biggest US military bases around the country. It is clear that the US
has lost the war politically and is in the process of losing it
militarily.
Despite the most advanced military technology, the
drones, the Special Forces, the increase in the number of trainees,
advisers, NGOers and the building of more military bases, the Resistance
is winning. The White House by adding to the millions of displaced and
murdered and maimed Afghans is increasing the hostility of the vast
majority of the Afghans. Civilian killings are turning more and more of
their military recruits into deserters and "unreliable" soldiers. Some
of whom are 'turned' into committed combatants for the 'other side'. As
in Indo-China, Algeria and elsewhere, a popular, highly motivated
guerrilla resistance army, deeply embedded in the national-religious
culture of an oppressed population is proving more resistant, enduring
and victorious over an alien high tech imperial army. Obama's 'rule or
ruin' Afghan War, sooner rather than later, will ruin America and end
his shameful presidency.
www.globalresearch.ca/index.php?context=va&aid=19758
A celebrity of enduring popularity almost three
decades after his death, Ahmad Zahir is considered as a legend and an
icon of Afghan music. Born on June 14, 1946, he was the son of late Dr.
Abdul Zahir (born 1910, in Laghman), who was an influential Afghan
politician and a one time Afghan Prime Minister (1971-1972) during the
reign of King Zahir Shah.
Ahmad Zahir attended Habibia High School in the early
1960s and his interest in music developed during this period where he
often sang in his school concerts, accompanied by his band that was made
up of mainly his friends and classmates: Nabil Miskinyar on drums, Omar
Sultan on guitar, Farid Zaland on congas and Kabir Howaida on piano, as
well as other talented musicians who would accompany him from time to
time. He himself would mainly play the accordion as he sang. In one
particular concert, during his school days, he sang so beautifully that
his schoolmates declared him “Bulbul-e Habibia”. The band, which later
became known as the Amateur Band of Habibia High School, gained
popularity with their performances in local concerts during celebratory
occasions such as Nouroz, Eid, and Afghan Independence Day.
After his graduation from high school he attended and
graduated from Darul Malimeen (Teachers’ College) in Kabul. He
continued his higher education for two more years in India to get his
degree as an English instructor. But his true calling, of course, was to
sing. With the approval and encouragement of his family he was able to
pursue his true love of music. Rising from the acclaim of the band,
Ahmad Zahir branched onto his solo career. Carrying his musical
instincts to new heights, he began composing songs based on
well-recognized Dari poems. The meaning and depth of his songs quickly
garnered him national attention as did the tenor voice that was
complementary to a wide range of musical notes. His first recorded song,
gar kuni yak nizara, was also his own composition, sung in the pilo
raga, which he had not been taught by anyone at that time. With this
song he proved his God-given talent and true genius, at an early age,
which the Almighty blessed him with. He continued composing and
recording his future songs such as azeezam ba yaadat, ahista-ahista,
akhir ay darya, hama yaranam, agar sabza boodam, guftam ke mekhwaham
tura, shabe ze shabha, parween-e man and many more.
After a couple of years Ahmad Zahir married
and his first and only son, Rishad was born. By this time he had already
decided that he was simply not made for teaching, but that music was
his true destiny. Besides teaching and his musical interests, at that
time, he also held a job at Kabul Times as a journalist. But by this
time his popularity had reached such a height that it was pretty clear
to him and his family that he was born to sing. Unfortunately, as his
popularity grew, his marriage was starting to fail and it resulted in a
divorce.
Later on, he married his second wife, from
whom he was expecting his second child. He had chosen the name Shabnam
should it be a girl. By this stage in his life he was on top of the
world. He had already been chosen singer of the year several times and
he had recorded over 19 albums, each containing 12-16 new songs. Aside
from his albums, he also had many hits on the national radio, not to
mention a vast collection of his wonderful majlisi recordings. But his
voice recordings were not the only means through which his vast pool of
fans was able to listen to his enchanting voice. He also organized huge
concerts in Kabul and other major cities of Afghanistan, leaving the
most memorable impressions in the hearts of his fans. Throughout this
adventurous journey of his life, he was able to make many friends and
countless fans because of his great charisma, charm, and friendly
personality.
With the changes in the political landscape of
Afghanistan, Ahmad Zahir became conscious of the socio-political
transformation of his homeland. He adjusted his tone and the contents of
his music to reflect his feelings through his songs, such as zindagi
akhir sar Ayed, bigzarad bigzarard, and safar bee roshenAyee. Such
songs, which carried revolutionary lyrics and reflected the feelings of a
patriotic artist, stirred enough controversy in the political realms,
which would later cost him his life.
On his 33h birthday (June 14, 1979) he was
assassinated by the order of a communist general named Daud Taroon who
used one of Ahmad Zahir’s best friends as an accomplice to carry out his
orders. Taroon was not only an envious and jealous enemy of Ahmad
Zahir, but also because Ahmad Zahir’s political stance was at odds with
the communist government of the time. Sadly, his precious Shabnam, whom
he was eagerly looking forward to, would come into the world on the same
day of his passing.
More than a quarter of a century after his
death, his popularity remains strong among his fans. Many Afghans truly
love him from the heart, whether it is the younger generation, born
outside of Afghanistan, who can barely understand the lyrics of his
music; or those who grew up during the heydays of Ahmad Zahir; or those
who saw him live in-concert and in person; or whether it is the much
older generation who are now more understanding and appreciative of his
legendary work. Ahmad Zahir will continue to live in the hearts of his
fans.
In the past 28 years, many talented artists
and musicians have come and gone, but Ahmad Zahir’s voice, talent, fame,
and charisma, has remained unrivaled. He remains a source of
inspiration for new and aspiring artists and has rightfully earned the
title of Afghanistan’s Nightingale. His legacy as the most celebrated
musical phenomenon in Afghanistan and the embodiment of modern Afghan
music goes on.
May Allah bless his martyred soul!
Published: Jul 18, 2010 by Editor
Filed under:
News
KABUL, Afghanistan — Western leaders are banking on a national peace
council set to begin here on Wednesday to start a new chapter in Afghanistan’s
political life, bringing the country together and strengthening
President Hamid Karzai, even as
security deteriorated on Sunday in several areas of the country.
In a joint news conference, the NATO
commander, Gen. Stanley A.
McChrystal, and the senior civilian representative, Mark Sedwill, emphasized that the West supported
the peace council, called a jirga, even as many Afghans questioned
whether those attending would truly represent the many factions in the
country.
“This is a big week for Afghanistan,” said Mr. Sedwill, who described
the conference as “the first of a series of major political events that
are going to set the agenda of 2010.”
The jirga will be followed by the Kabul Conference on economic
development in July and parliamentary elections in September.
“This is a critical moment for this country to bring together all of
the people of Afghanistan, their representatives, in an opportunity to
set the direction forward and create a national consensus behind the
overall approach to security, to development, to reconciliation,” Mr.
Sedwill said.
The Electoral Complaints Commission announced Sunday that 85
candidates had been preliminarily barred from participating in the
parliamentary elections because they are members of illegal armed
groups. They will have the right to appeal. Still, the number is far
more than that in the first round of parliamentary elections in 2005,
when just 17 people were disqualified for the same reason, according to a
former E.C.C. commissioner, Fahim Hakim.
The increase suggests that a more rigorous review system is now in
place, analysts say.
Even as the peace efforts proceed in the capital, Kabul, security
appeared to be deteriorating in districts in the east and south of the
country and on the western border, where Afghan insurgents trained in
Iran are returning to fight and smuggling in weapons, General McChrystal
said.
“There is clear evidence of Iranian activities, in some cases
supplying weaponry and training to the Taliban that is
inappropriate,” he said.
In Nuristan Province, on the country’s eastern border, hundreds of
local and Pakistani Taliban have taken control of a remote
district near the Pakistan border, Barg-e-Matal. The number of fighters
who have crossed the border from Pakistan swelled through the week and
now has reached 1,000 to 1,500, said Gen. Zaman Mamozai, the commander
of the Afghan Border Police for the eastern region of Afghanistan.
They are “mostly from Pakistan and are conducting collective
attacks,” he said.
It appears that many of the Taliban from Pakistan had come to
Nuristan in search of a new haven after having come under attack from the Pakistani
Army in Pakistan. There are few Afghan security troops in Nuristan’s
rugged mountains and only a small number of American troops in the
province.
NATO leaders say that they cannot control the entire country with the
number of troops they have and had to rely on Afghan forces in remote
areas. But because not enough Afghans have been trained, NATO officials
say they may have to live with some insurgent havens.
“As we execute our strategy and our capacity to secure areas, we must
prioritize the order in which we do those, and how we deploy our forces
and our assets,” General McChrystal said when asked whether
Barg-e-Matal was being allowed to become a sanctuary.
“The Taliban can still muster strength in places and there are a lot
of unknowns there,” added a senior NATO officer, speaking about Nuristan
on the condition of anonymity because he was not authorized to speak on
the record on the matter.
“If there are Taliban there, so what?” he said, adding that the
district was far from any population center. He acknowledged that the
situation would become more complicated if the Taliban filter out of
remote mountain redoubts and into populated areas.
There was violence as well in the southeastern province of Khost,
where a barely completed high school, built with international aid, was
blown up late Saturday night by men using rocket-propelled grenades and
bombs.
The school, which cost $220,000 to build, would have provided
classrooms for 1,300 students, said Musa Majrooh, the spokesman for the
Khost Education
Department. A Taliban spokesman, Zabiullah Mujahid, denied that the
Taliban were involved in the blast.
Also in Khost, a suicide car bomber detonated his vehicle at the
entrance to the police battalion that patrols suburban areas. Nine
police officers were wounded, two of them seriously.
In Nangahar Province, in the east, which until recently was
relatively calm, two bombings killed five members of the Afghan security
forces, and in Badakhshan Province in the far northeast, six
counternarcotics officers were killed when their patrol vehicle was
blown up by a homemade bomb.
They were on a mission to eradicate poppy, and the province’s
governor, Baz Mohammed, accused narcotics traffickers and the Taliban of
setting the bomb.
Sharifullah Sahak and Waheed Abdul Wafa contributed reporting from
Kabul, and an Afghan employee of The New York Times from Khost.
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